Russia has become a vital economic partner to the UAE, but this relationship does not extend beyond other dimensions. The United States is still playing a key role here, expanding its cooperation with Abu Dhabi in strategic areas, such as AI.
It is undeniable that the Middle East regional order is undergoing considerable changes; however, the consequences for security and the economy are difficult to assess. With Syria’s political transition, the changing shape of the Abraham Accords, and the unstable situation in Yemen, it is only possible to predict the effects in a short-term perspective.
In a slightly different context, however, one can present the existing alliances and strategic partnerships. Over the course of recent years, many such relationships have emerged, and they take on diverse forms. The United States, China, European states, Southeast Asia, and more can be included in the process. They concern security, the economic sphere, investments, cultural cooperation, and, more recently, artificial intelligence. They are developed in parallel with the strategies of particular states that aim to diversify their economies and partnerships. The UAE’s relationship with Russia exemplifies this dynamic.
The UAE has certainly become an active actor operating on an international scale – the country’s activities extend beyond the traditional borders of the Middle East. This is evidenced not only by economic data but also by the number of agreements concluded with many countries around the world. The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreements (CEPA) in question greatly facilitate access to the internal markets of Asian, African, South American, and European states. In addition, strategic partnerships with major powers are being deepened, and the forms of cooperation differ, reflecting both the intentions of these states and their national interests.
It is therefore worth taking a closer look at the relations between the UAE and Russia, which are less frequently discussed in public discourse but are crucial from the perspective of global great-power competition. One can observe that, given these states’ presence in the region, the balance of power is in constant flux. In line with realist assumptions, this affects the behavior of regional states, which fear for their position and security. Two questions should be posed to comprehend the relationship between Abu Dhabi and Moscow: how have relations between the UAE and Russia evolved in response to changes in the international system, such as Donald Trump’s 2024 US presidential election victory and the fall of Bashar al-Assad, the former President of Syria? And, considering the US presence in the region, why have UAE decision-makers identified Russia as a key strategic partner, even though the United States continues to play a crucial role in ensuring Gulf security and providing military equipment?
Abu Dhabi’s Continuity of the Vision
The UAE’s strategy was briefly exemplified during the annual Abu Dhabi Strategic Debate (ADSD) that took place on November 10-11, 2025. Dr Anwar Gargash, the senior diplomatic advisor to the UAE’s President, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan, pointed to three priorities that lead the way towards ensuring stability and a secure place for the UAE regionally and on the international stage. According to the speech, the first aim refers to economic competitiveness. Contemporary actions have demonstrated that the UAE is a global actor aiming to become a key trade hub and an attractive location for foreign investors. The second priority is commitment to strategic autonomy, which, in other words, means the country remains independent and sovereign in its decision-making. The last goal refers to technological ambitions that create various opportunities for gaining knowledge, expertise, and developing crucial technologies that will enable the Emirates to gain a leading position in this strategic sector. The strategy is complemented by the view that the UAE, actively observing the contemporary conflicts, „will continue to prioritize diplomacy, mediation, and dialogue – and reject military solutions to political crises.”
The current vision firmly aligns with the statements that were presented during the previous ADSD conferences. A strong emphasis was put on the position and role of the UAE in the Middle East and beyond. Although the United States remains the main security guarantor in the region, the UAE authorities put an emphasis on diversification of strategic partnerships that broaden possibilities for local and international cooperation. This indicates that the UAE does not rely solely on Washington and is actively expanding its network.
UAE-Russia Relations Over the Years
What characterizes Russia’s approach towards the Middle East is that, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the transition years that followed, President Vladimir Putin prioritized the country’s re-entry into the region, marking a renewed focus after a period of limited activity. Indeed, when examining the past and contemporary processes in the region, Russia conducts dialogue with most Middle Eastern countries, but the scope of cooperation and the intensity of bilateral relations differ. Syria and Iran are the prominent examples of two crucial actors in the Russian foreign policy, but since the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad and the ongoing political transition, the future relations remain in question. Ahmad al-Sharaa, the new Syrian President, has chosen an open approach that implies dialogue and cooperation with both the West and the East, including Russia. So far, only a few meetings have taken place, and the effects of the talks remain to be seen.
When considering whether the presence of Russia challenges the position of the United States, it does not seem that such a situation will occur in the foreseeable future. As Nikita Smagin explains, „Russia cannot aspire to a leadership role in the Middle East: it lacks the financial, human, and cultural resources for that.” However, this did not disturb contacts with the Gulf monarchies, namely Qatar, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia, with whom, despite varying degrees of relations, dialogue is conducted, and long-term cooperation is planned, particularly in the economic field.
The UAE-Russia relationship has gradually evolved over time. It was influenced by both domestic and systemic factors. It should be borne in mind that the UAE, established in 1971, was at an early stage of state formation and invested significant effort in developing its capabilities. Diplomatic relations were established in the same year the Emirates became a federation, but the Soviet Union’s embassy opened in Abu Dhabi in 1986. The UAE followed suit a year later. In the 1990s, the country became economically and militarily stronger, establishing itself as a trusted partner of the US, while the USSR collapsed. Russia, significantly weakened on a domestic front, maintained economic and military cooperation with the UAE, and it gradually developed in the 2000s. Later on, the period of the Arab Spring was marked by significant turbulence, resulting in the evolving interests of the actors involved in the civil wars across the Middle East and North Africa and reshaping the regional order. In Syria, Russia provided political and military support to the former president. The UAE, on its part, initially engaged in the coalition against the Assad regime, but this approach changed over time, resulting in reopening its embassy in Damascus in 2018 and calling for Syria’s re-admission into the Arab League. Although both the UAE and Russia are opposed to all forms of extremism and terrorism since they are considered a threat, defining who can precisely be described as a threat-creating actor is a subjective concept for these states. This, in turn, constitutes a point of misunderstanding in Moscow-Abu Dhabi ties; however, as numerous cases demonstrate, it does not appear to affect the overall quality of bilateral relations or the frequency of their official meetings.
New chapter in UAE-Russia Relations
In 2018, Russia and the UAE established a strategic partnership, which was a step towards deepening bilateral relations. The event of signing a “Declaration of Strategic Partnership” was preceded by another document, a “Statement of Intention”, concluded in 2017, that bolstered their ties.
According to the official statement, the foundation of their partnership is based on coordinating efforts and enhancing several areas, including combating terrorism and extremism, peaceful cyberspace, preventing the spread of extremist ideology online, law enforcement, fighting piracy, security and defense, trade and investment cooperation. Recognizing the significance of their economic collaboration, Russia and the UAE also focus on ensuring the “balance and stability of the global oil and gas markets […].”
The strategic partnership initiated a series of subsequent official meetings. These visits were held reciprocally in the UAE and Russia. In 2019, President Putin visited Abu Dhabi. In 2022, President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed met with his counterpart in Saint Petersburg. In 2023, two meetings took place in their respective states, followed by another meeting in Moscow in 2024. Ultimately, the UAE state leader traveled to Moscow in August 2025. As a result, a deal entitled “Trade in Services and Investment Agreement” (TISIA) was concluded, with the aim of facilitating investment and trade opportunities for both countries. The Emirates News Agency (WAM) reports that this agreement is part of a broader deal signed by the UAE with the Eurasian Economic Union, aligning with the CEPA cooperation framework. On December 10, 2025, the Russia-UAE Business Council, along with the Russian and Emirati economic and political bodies, hostedthe First UAE-Russia Business Forum in Dubai, a key platform for investors who are willing to enter either the Russian or Emirati market. WAM states that they mainly focus on the following industries: “manufacturing, transportation, and logistics to agriculture, digital technologies, healthcare and investment.” It should also be emphasized that, in relation to opening Russian businesses in the UAE due to sanctions evasion, this country hosts a significant number of Russian citizens, whose numbers have increased in recent years, particularly after the launch of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
According to media and state reports, trade turnover between the countries has increased. The Gulf News states that in 2024, non-oil trade amounted to $ 11.5 billion, and there are prospects to double that figure within the next five years. The situation varies, however, in the context of military and defense cooperation. When analyzing SIPRI data from 2020 to 2024, it is evident that Russia’s share of arms imports in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) states shrank to 4,1%, placing Moscow in 6th place in the global ranking, with the US holding a leading position. Previously, between 2015 and 2019, its share was nearly 18%. Jean-Loup Samaan explains that the decline in efficiency and supply capacity to the MENA region has been mainly affected by Russia’s focus on supplying its military for the war in Ukraine and the imposition of sanctions by Western states on Russia.
It can be noted that collaboration across numerous areas of shared interest is highly diverse. There is one additional area where the UAE’s presence is particularly visible: Abu Dhabi holds a mediator role in the Russia-Ukraine war. UAE’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs reports that since 2024, the country has managed to help release over 4,640 captives from both Russia and Ukraine. In August 2025, the 17th round of meetings was held, resulting in the exchange of citizens of the respective states.
The United States Continues to be a Priority
A series of significant high-level meetings between the UAE and the US resulted in an expansion of bilateral cooperation. In 2024, during the official visit of President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed to the United States, the UAE was designated as a “Major Defense Partner,” and, along with India, it is one of only two states to have been assigned such status. In a joint statement, both countries anticipate cooperation in the military and defense fields, including the UAE’s investments in US defense systems. Following President Donald Trump’s official visit to the Gulf in May 2025, and promising collaboration in strategic areas such as artificial intelligence and semiconductors, the initiative between the US Defense Innovation Unit and the UAE’s Tawazun Council was launched, with the objective of deepening ties in “defense innovation, facilitating joint research and development, and expanding industrial and investment partnerships.” The initiative also aims to enhance mobility across defense and security domains such as integrated air and missile defense. It should be noted that the UAE’s EDGE advanced technology conglomerate expressed interest in entering the US weapons industry, with the intention of producing arms alongside American manufacturers. It is part of the initially implemented vision to bolster US-UAE ties, discussed during President Trump’s recent visit.
Given that the US military pledges have been more visible during the current Trump presidency, this may be one of the most compelling arguments for the durability of the partnerships between the US and the Gulf states. According to the comment of Daniel Shapiro, the former US ambassador to Israel from 2011 to 2017, for CNN, “he [Donald Trump] has a closer affinity to Gulf countries than any previous president […].” It has been reported that the US President is considering sales of F-35 fighter jets to the Middle Eastern states, including the Gulf monarchies, after discussions regarding these deals were suspended during Biden’s administration. Also, Reuters reports that Abu Dhabi and Riyadh will both receive advanced American semiconductors, reflecting the US administration’s long-term planning. For the Gulf, it signals the consolidation and emphasis of their leading role in the American vision, which, in fact, has been highlighted in the latest document, the National Security Strategy of the United States of America, published in November 2025.
An Outlook
It is evident that Russia’s role in the Middle East has considerably diminished, and the cooperation remains bilateral. The US has a significant military advantage in the region, and it is unlikely that any country, including Russia, would challenge this role. Furthermore, amid the ongoing war in Ukraine and the prospect of the Abraham Accords expanding, Moscow’s role may appear diminished to that of an observer rather than an active participant in regional events. Most of the regional states are the US’s close strategic partners, creating a safe space for American and Middle Eastern interests.
For the UAE, its cooperation within the strategic partnership framework with Moscow reflects Abu Dhabi’s strategy of diversifying regional and international partners in order to secure its position in the ongoing dynamic changes in the global order. Making the economy competitive, which remains a priority in the Emirate’s vision, is complemented by the presence and activity of Russian businesses in the UAE. Also, for the Emirates’ part, helping exchange captives between Russia and Ukraine enhances Moscow’s relationship with the monarchy.
The deepening economic cooperation between the UAE and Russia certainly can cement its presence in the Gulf. What, however, distinguishes the main security guarantor, the US, from other powers is the transfer of advanced technologies to the Gulf monarchies. It requires mutual trust and robust security measures that can only be provided by Washington. Therefore, the relationship with Moscow will not go beyond economic cooperation, while strategic areas will remain under US control. This gives the Americans an advantage over other major powers. Many developments in the region remain uncertain, particularly in Syria, Gaza, and Yemen, and their outcomes will determine the situation in the Middle East and the standing of particular countries, whether participating or seeking to increase their presence amid the ongoing global rivalry.
