A conversation with a European friend, who cherishes fond memories of his meetings with King Hussein bin Talal and his brother Prince Mohamed, sparked a question worth pondering: How has Jordan managed to maintain its continuity, cohesion, and international standing for over a century in a region repeatedly shaken by wars, coups, and waves of displacement?
Answering this requires examining the relationship forged between the Hashemite leadership, society, and state institutions, as well as this relationship’s capacity to adapt to transformations. Jordan is resource-limited, and its economy and security are vulnerable to external shocks; yet, it has successfully built a lasting state across four royal reigns, each with its distinct circumstances, contributions, and challenges.
From my perspective as a Jordanian citizen who lived through part of this experience and bore ministerial responsibility during it, understanding this journey requires combining an appreciation of what has been achieved with a frank discussion of what remains below aspirations. Resilience does not mean the absence of crises, but rather the capacity to confront them, preserve institutions and society, and renew confidence in the future.
Abdullah I: Thirty Years from Foundation to Independence
The modern Jordanian state began with the establishment of the Emirate of Transjordan in 1921 under the leadership of Prince Abdullah bin Al-Hussein, who later became the Founding King. His reign lasted until his martyrdom in 1951—spanning roughly thirty years—which included building the emirate, achieving independence, and proclaiming the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan on May 25, 1946. This phase witnessed the establishment of administration and institutions, the enactment of the Organic Law in 1928, and the holding of the first legislative elections in 1929.
The founder’s mission was to establish a viable public authority and forge a relationship between it and a society diverse in its livelihoods and local affiliations. In my reading, the Arab legitimacy of the Hashemite leadership provided an overarching framework capable of accommodating this diversity, allowing figures and competencies from various origins and backgrounds to participate in the state-building project.
State-building also required managing an unequal partnership with Britain. British finance and expertise helped develop the Arab Legion, while commanders such as Peake and Glubb, alongside diplomat Alec Kirkbride’s close access to Abdullah, gave Britain substantial influence. Independence in 1946 ended the Mandate but preserved military ties.
Then came the 1948 Palestine War. The Legion’s soldiers and officers fought in Jerusalem and at Latrun, helping retain the Old City and eastern Jerusalem under Arab control despite constrained resources and competing political objectives. Jordan also received a wave of Palestinian refugees, making their care part of its institutional responsibilities. In 1950, the Unity of the Two Banks was approved by resolution of the representative National Assembly, bringing the West Bank—including East Jerusalem—into the kingdom. Consequently, the national society expanded, and the state’s political, economic, and social responsibilities grew substantially.
The impact of this transformation extended to the concept of citizenship. Granting Palestinians Jordanian citizenship enabled them to participate in state-building, without implying—from the Jordanian standpoint—any relinquishment of their Palestinian identity or their rights to return and compensation. This is a crucial point for external readers: participation in the Jordanian homeland and the preservation of Palestinian rights were never presented as contradictory choices.
King Talal: The Constitutional Impact of a Brief Reign
King Talal bin Abdullah assumed the throne after his father. Despite his brief reign between 1951 and 1952, he left a lasting institutional legacy by enacting the 1952 Constitution. The constitution regulated the powers of the state, enshrined the principle that the nation is the source of all powers, established a hereditary parliamentary monarchy, and laid down the fundamental rights and duties of Jordanians.
The significance of this reign lies in reinforcing the constitutional foundation of the state. Continuity of governance requires clear rules governing institutional relations, defining responsibilities, and providing a stable baseline for public participation to evolve. Thus, King Talal deserves an independent place in the nation’s narrative that transcends the brevity of his rule. These constitutional advances took place while British military command and financial dependence continued.
King Hussein: Building Human Capital and Institutions Amidst Storms
King Hussein bin Talal was proclaimed king on August 11, 1952, after his father’s reign ended for health reasons, and he assumed his constitutional powers on May 2, 1953. His reign lasted until his passing on February 7, 1999—a long era in which state-building intertwined with managing successive regional and internal perils.
Hussein advanced military sovereignty by dismissing Glubb and senior British officers on March 1, 1956, and placing army command in Arab hands. Termination of the Anglo-Jordanian treaty followed in March 1957. These steps reshaped relations with Britain, asserting national authority while preserving opportunities for cooperation.
Investing in human capital was a hallmark of this era. Education offers a tangible testament: the University of Jordan was established in 1962, followed by Yarmouk University in 1976, alongside the continuous creation of universities across various regions. This expansion prepared skilled cadres for administration, the economy, and public services, granting education a central role in elevating families toward broader social and professional horizons.
In the field of development, Prince El Hassan bin Talal played a prominent role during his tenure as Crown Prince, supporting planning, developmental thought, and institutional action. Dr. Jawad Anani’s testimony highlights the cooperation between Prince El Hassan and Mudar Badran’s government in implementing the First Five-Year Plan (1976–1980). Economic documents from that plan indicate it targeted investments in industry, mining, transport, water, and agriculture.
The significance of this phase lies in transforming available support and resources into productive capacities, services, and institutions. The political leadership provided direction and backing, while the government, public administration, and private sector undertook execution responsibilities. Thus, the pillars of a capable service-delivering state accumulated, even when crises constrained its options.
The 1967 war was among the most severe of those crises. Israel occupied the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and a new wave of displaced persons reached the East Bank. Those arriving from the West Bank already held Jordanian citizenship, whereas the legal status of those coming from the Gaza Strip differed. Therefore, generalizing everyone under a single label obscures an important facet of shared Jordanian-Palestinian history.
Displacement added heavy burdens, yet it rendered the protection of human dignity and the provision of education, work, and participation an ongoing national responsibility. In my assessment, shared life in schools, universities, workplaces, and institutions deepened societal bonds, despite the tensions and crises the relationship occasionally endured.
Tolerance and Reconciliation as Governance Practices
A characteristic of the Hashemite experience worth studying is the practice of keeping the doors of reconciliation open after conflict. Doing justice to this trait does not mean ignoring the clashes, detentions, or restrictions that marked phases of Jordanian history; rather, its true value emerges when examining how hostilities were overcome and opponents reintegrated into public life.
Abdullah II: Prioritizing the Economy and Modernizing the State
With King Abdullah II’s accession to the throne in 1999, a renewed focus emerged on economic modernization, investment promotion, market openness, and leveraging international relations to serve development. An early milestone was Jordan’s accession to the World Trade Organization in April 2000, capping a negotiation path initiated in the previous reign—an illustration of continuity across eras.
In my reading of this reign, improving economic performance assumed a central position in conceptualizing state strength and stability. Job opportunities, institutional efficiency, and the economy’s capacity to attract investment became core benchmarks for evaluating policy outcomes.
This direction crystallized in the modernization project spanning economic, political, and administrative tracks. The stated objective combines raising living standards, expanding participation through programmatic political parties, and improving public administration efficiency. This interconnection is vital: the economy requires effective institutions and stable rules, while political participation grants citizens tools for influence and accountability.
However, evaluating this experience requires distinguishing between aspirations and outcomes. Economic stability does not automatically guarantee sufficient jobs or an equitable distribution of growth dividends. Furthermore, regional conflicts, however heavy their impacts, do not exempt domestic policies from review or reduce the imperative to improve execution, productivity, and competitiveness.
How the State Operates, and Political Participation Evolves
The Jordanian Constitution stipulates that the form of government is a “hereditary parliamentary monarchy” and that the nation is the source of all powers. It regulates the relationship among the King, the cabinet, the National Assembly, and the judiciary: the King holds executive authority and exercises it through his ministers in accordance with the constitution; the cabinet manages state affairs and is accountable to the House of Representatives. Legislative authority is vested in the National Assembly and the King, with the National Assembly comprising an elected House of Representatives and an appointed Senate, while an independent judiciary fulfills its role in dispensing justice and safeguarding rights.
In this sense, Jordan is a constitutional monarchy with an experience capable of evolving toward broader parliamentary practice, where governments are formed based on elected party or coalition majorities. King Abdullah II raised this trajectory in his Discussion Papers, linking its progress to the development of programmatic parties and their capacity to represent citizens and shoulder governmental responsibility. This path requires entrenching pluralism, broadening participation, and reinforcing oversight and accountability, while preserving the monarchy’s role as an inclusive unifying reference for society and a guarantor of state continuity. The ultimate value of this evolution remains tied to its practical materialization in citizens’ daily lives and their capacity to influence public decision-making.
Economic Stability and International Partnerships
Prudent monetary policy and efforts toward fiscal consolidation have helped sustain confidence in Jordan’s economic institutions. The International Monetary Fund noted in its review published in June 2026 the continued macroeconomic stability despite the spillover effects of regional war, supported by domestic policies, reforms, and international assistance, while reiterating the need for stronger growth, job creation, and further reforms.
This outlook helps explain the continued support of donors and financial institutions. They recognize the impact of regional turmoil and refugee hosting on the Jordanian economy and see the necessity of sustained funding to safeguard stability. In my estimation, these considerations align with their strategic interest in maintaining Jordan as a stable partner in the region.
The Crown Prince and the Extension to the Next Generation
Crown Prince Al Hussein bin Abdullah II’s role unfolds within this framework, focusing on youth, education, technical training, technology, and entrepreneurship. The launch of the Crown Prince Foundation in 2015 and the establishment of Al Hussein Technical University in 2016 stand as twin testimonies to focusing attention on the new generation’s capabilities and their alignment with labor market needs.
The sustainable value of these efforts depends on broadening access to opportunities, reaching diverse governorates and social segments, and translating training and knowledge into active economic and social participation.
What Explains Jordanian Resilience?
In my estimation, Jordanian resilience lies in the interaction between a leadership that preserved continuity, a society that participated in state-building, institutions that accumulated expertise, and foreign relations that provided room for maneuver and support. The monarchy has played a pivotal role in assembling these elements and managing the balance among them.
Consequently, it is difficult to understand Jordan simply by comparing it to European monarchies, which largely hold symbolic roles. The Jordanian monarchy exercises a direct leadership role, and understanding it requires looking at the history of state-building, social structure, regional environment, and the evolution of constitutional institutions.
Nor is it accurate to reduce Jordanian society to a binary of Bedouin versus urban, or East Banker versus Palestinian. A century of education, labor, intermarriage, and public participation has forged a more intertwined society and a national identity nourished by this interaction, requiring equal citizenship and justice to grow ever deeper. In this context, the monarchy—acting as an inclusive umbrella—has linked societal components to the state project, while deepening these bonds remains a shared responsibility of the leadership, institutions, and citizens alike.
